The humanitarian borderscape on Gran Canaria (Part 1)

Where are the angry white saviours?

Text by Melina Fischer (Paris-Lodron University Salzburg)

Art by Melina Fischer

The humanitarian borderscape on Gran Canaria, structured and conditioned by the im/mobility of migrants and humanitarian responses, was restructured by migrants’ immobility during the winter of 2020/21 and the Covid-19 pandemic. This caused an “emergencia“ which worked as a catalyst that mobilized volunteers to support migrants. Drawing from Black feminist thought and critical whiteness studies, I aim to contribute to the scholarly debate by highlighting how emotional and racialized dynamics in humanitarian borderwork can reinforce power hierarchies. On Gran Canaria, emotions directed toward migrants – primarily grief and sadness – led to a depoliticized understanding of migration, obscuring socio-political hierarchies through the mechanism of white ignorance. These emotions fostered processes of victimization, leading to the infantilization of male migrant adults and the reinforcement of notions of white saviorism among volunteers. Thus, by examining the socio-political hierarchies perpetuated by humanitarian volunteering practices, this research challenges existing narratives. It calls for a politicization of humanitarian borderwork and a more nuanced understanding of emotions and power dynamics in humanitarian border contexts, ultimately aiming to foster more equitable approaches to addressing the complexities of migration and racism along Europe’s borders and beyond.

Introduction

In recent years, the European border has become a focal point of humanitarian concern and volunteer action, driven not only by a surge in migrant[1] arrivals but also by processes of securitization. This was particularly evident on the Canary Islands during the winter of 2020/21, when the combination of increased arrivals, the Covid-19 pandemic, and state policies prompted an “emergencia”. This phenomenon reflects what Polly Pallister-Wilkins conceptualizes as a humanitarian borderscape by building on William Walters’ (2011) work. It is structured and conditioned by the im/mobility[2] of migrants, a socio-political issue, as well as humanitarian attempts to offer relief (Pallister-Wilkins 2017, 115; Pallister-Wilkins 2022). As scholars grounded in political geography and political sociology respectively, Pallister-Wilkins and Walters have contributed to the interdisciplinary field of critical border studies, which emerges at the intersection of geography, political science, and sociology. Critical border studies interrogate how borders are materially and symbolically produced, negotiated, and contested through power, discourse, and everyday practice (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr 2007). While there is a variety of non-state actors producing the humanitarian borderscape, this essay contributes to the academic discourse by drawing on my ethnographic fieldwork to examine the role of volunteers in constructing and shaping the space on Gran Canaria.

The term “humanitarian borderscape” indicates a convergence between humanitarianism, with its depoliticized and positive connotations, and borderwork, associated with control or surveillance (Pallister-Wilkins 2015b). This concept reveals the entanglement of politics and humanitarianism, a tension central to critical humanitarian studies (Fassin 2007; Feldman & Ticktin 2010; Malkki 2015; Ticktin 2011). Humanitarianism’s foundation on a supposed universal humanity often obscures existing power relations, as seen in the “color-blindness” (Wekker 2016) or “global citizenship” (Chapman et al. 2018), ideas expressed by volunteers on Gran Canaria. These notions relate to the denial of imperial histories and ongoing consequences, termed “white ignorance” (Mills 2007). This denial allows European volunteers to constitute themselves as “white saviors” (Willer-Kherbaoui 2019), detached from colonial responsibility yet deeply affected by grief and sadness. However, it is important to understand white saviorism as a systemic norm rooted in white privilege rather than individual failure.

To analyze how emotions influence volunteer practices and can sustain socio-political hierarchies, I integrate critical whiteness studies and Black[3] feminist thoughts alongside the concept of the humanitarian borderscape. By drawing on Black feminist thought, this article seeks to challenge and subvert the Eurocentrism that often dominates academic discourses surrounding the humanitarian borderscape[4]. Moreover, Black feminism is particularly relevant here as it provides crucial insights into how power, race, and emotions intersect (see Cooper 2018; hooks 1995; Lorde 1981), offering a framework to understand the complexities of volunteer practices within a racially charged environment. Through fieldwork, and especially during the data analysis process, I came to understand the importance of emotions in shaping the volunteers’ understanding of their own position in relation to current social injustices. Emotions of grief and sadness pertained most of the time. Because these emotions are directed towards the “poor, distant Other”, they tend to prevent a confrontation with white privilege. Hence, they can be seen as a sign of white ignorance since they “contribute to an ideological formation that disconnects connected histories” (Danewid 2017, 1679) by turning migrants into a predetermined, universalized figure. Moreover, because white saviors need a victim for whom they can feel sorry for, volunteer activities were often connected to victimizing processes, which on Gran Canaria led to the infantilization of Black male migrant adults. Emotions of anger, on the other hand, when acknowledged and expressed, acted as a catalyst for change by highlighting the realities of oppression and mobilizing individuals towards political action (Cooper 2018).

After critically reflecting on the methodology, the ethnographic analysis is sectioned in two parts: first it provides an overview of the humanitarian borderscape on Gran Canaria, examining the emergence of volunteer initiatives and the re-creation of business models in response to the “emergencia”. As such, it focuses on the ways the humanitarian borderscape is structured and conditioned by migrants im/mobility as well as attempts to offer relief. Second, it focuses on humanitarian borderwork, practices that produce the humanitarian borderscape, emphasizing how emotions can drive social change as well as reinforce existing power structures. Thus, by drawing on critical humanitarian, critical border and critical whiteness studies, this research interrogates the depoliticization inherent in humanitarian volunteering practices. By incorporating insights from Black feminist thought, it seeks to elucidate the complex emotional landscape underpinning volunteer actions and its implications for socio-political hierarchies.

Methodology

This article is based on ethnographic fieldwork on Gran Canaria between August 2021 and February 2022. During this period, I participated in the daily lives of volunteers, taking part in numerous informal conversations and participant observation. I became a regular volunteer at an established Spanish organization with a shelter for migrant women and children, where I went more than three times a week. I further became a member of two local grassroots initiatives. Volunteer activities included daily preparation and distribution of sandwiches (“bocadillos”) to migrants living on the street, Spanish classes, and event organization. Additionally, I conducted 25 semi-formal interviews with volunteers, as well as other humanitarian, governmental, and societal actors. Apart from everyday interactions with migrants, I conducted two interviews with male adult migrants[5].

I deeply respect the efforts and time many volunteers invested in supporting migrants and believe that, on a personal level, their willingness to help restored some of the migrants’ dignity. However, disconnecting the personal from the systemic, structural level was challenging and often made me feel like an “intruder”, even though I recognize that I am part of what I am trying to criticize. Ethnographic research at Europe’s southern borders, which has significantly increased since 2015, often contributes to reinforcing the intertwined regimes of securitization and humanitarianism that illegalize migration (Cabot 2019). Like volunteering practices, research on migration, even with the aim to “do good”, can inadvertently exacerbate existing power relations.

The Humanitarian Borderscape on Gran Canaria

Similar to how Pallister-Wilkins describes Idomeni in Greece, Gran Canaria can be seen as a “microcosm of the politics and violence of im/mobility that have become intimately entwined with humanitarian attempts to offer some relief” (Pallister-Wilkins 2017, 115). The foundation of one humanity, coupled with its dissociation from the field of politics, is facilitated through the image of an “emergency”. This framing obscures the socio-political circumstances that drive migrants’ im/mobility (Nyers 2006). Migration does not start at Europe's external border. Indeed, in 2019 migration within West Africa was nine times higher than from the region to Europe (El Ghazouani 2019), and the reason people migrate is usually not a sudden crisis but a result of concrete political decisions. However, humanitarian actors depend on this dissociation, so they can co-constitute themselves as the “good” counterpart to politics (Fassin 2007; Malkki 1996; Ticktin 2011). In the following, the aim is to explore how the humanitarian borderscape on Gran Canaria is shaped by these dynamics. Therefore, I believe it is integral to first look back on migration to the Canary Islands.

Migration to The Canary Islands

The maritime migration route from West Africa to the Canary Islands is one of the deadliest in the world. Although the nearest crossing point from Morocco is around 100 km away, most migrants depart from coastal villages in Western Sahara, Mauritania, or even Senegal, covering distances of approximately 450 km or even 775 km, spending several days or weeks on boats (Black 2021, 10; Vives 2017). In 2020, it is estimated that 2,266 people died trying to reach Europe via the Atlantic (UNHCR 2022). The first significant incident occurred in 1994 when a fishing boat sank 300 meters off the coast of Fuerteventura (Zapata-Hernandéz 2021, 2). Due to their location, migration to the Canaries remained relatively low as migrants primarily attempted to cross into Europe through the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. However, after the 9/11 attacks, Spain increased security along these borders, making crossings nearly impossible and causing the Atlantic route to gain importance (Black 2021, 11). This shift, initiated through political decisions, led to the “cayuco crisis” in 2006, with over 30,000 migrants reaching the Canary Islands (Rodríguez 2021, 13).

„Emergencia“ as a Catalyst

Until 2020[6], when over 23,000 people – almost eight times more than in 2019 – reached the archipelago, migration via the Atlantic remained comparatively low (IOM 2020). This surge in migrant arrivals overwhelmed the Spanish authorities and led to the collapse of reception facilities, which had a capacity of only 400 people despite thousands arriving monthly (Zapata-Hernandéz 2021, 9). The government’s decision to prevent migrants from traveling to mainland Spain, justified by the Covid-19 pandemic, exacerbated the situation, stranding thousands of migrants on the islands and reshaping the humanitarian borderscape. As Ana[7], a volunteer and resident of Las Palmas, recounted, the situation was dire: “Migrants were sleeping at the beach, without food or water, no toilets or legal support. The institutions failed completely” (Interview conducted in Spanish, translated by the author).

Most migrants were young men from Morocco, Senegal, or Mali, previously working in the fishing or agricultural sectors (Rodríguez 2021, 12). For these industries, which are vulnerable to climate and market changes, the Covid-19 pandemic “acted as a ‘threat multiplier’, exacerbating existing economic motivations to migrate” (Black 2021, 12). Border closures further negatively affected the Canary Islands’ tourism-dependent economy. These developments created an “emergencia”, which I argue was integral to the reconstruction of the humanitarian borderscape.

The Creation of Grassroots Initiatives & the Re-Creation of Business Models

On Gran Canaria, the “emergencia“ spurred the creation of new volunteer initiatives and redefined existing ones, influenced by emotions and socio-political dynamics. Since 2015, there has been an increase in scholarly attention to volunteers providing support to migrants in Europe. Scholars such as anthropologist Elisa Sandri (2018) have formulated the concept of volunteer humanitarianism, positioning it as an alternative to the established “humanitarian machine” by examining volunteers’ efforts in informal refugee camps like Calais, France. Similarly, drawing on perspectives from human geography and political sociology, Larissa Fleischmann and Elias Steinhilper (2017) have documented how new volunteer initiatives in Germany have led to the formation of networks focused on supporting migrants. These studies highlight the significant impact volunteers have on the European migration regime, respectively, on the humanitarian borderscape. While some authors argue that humanitarian borderwork anchored in grassroots solidarity – instead of the established “humanitarian machine” - has the potential to “create cracks” into the European border regime (Dadusc & Mutu 2022, 1207; Sandri 2018; Vandervoordt 2019), others disagree, arguing that even they are “unwittingly entangled within the dynamics” (Bird & Schmid 2023, 1245; Danewid 2017; Pallister-Wilkins 2017; Scott-Smith 2016). It is within this scholarly debate on the effects of volunteering at Europe’s borders that this article is positioned.

Volunteers in Las Palmas, the island’s capital, played a crucial role in providing immediate support, such as food, water, and legal assistance to migrants who set up informal camps at Las Alcaravaneras beach. Ornella, a volunteer, described how the support began: “Two Senegalese guys contacted a Canarian woman living in France via Facebook. She then asked friends in Las Palmas for help and a small group of people responded. Soon we found dozens in the same situation – it was so bad”. This initiative evolved into a broader support network, preparing daily sandwiches and offering Spanish classes.

Other initiatives emerged from the tourism sector, which had to adapt because of the pandemic’s impact on tourism. Due to the absence of tourists during the Covid-19 pandemic (and high season), many hotels on Gran Canaria, which would have otherwise been forced to shut down and lay off employees, found an alternative by sheltering migrants, a move incentivized by compensation from the Spanish government. For instance, a small hostel in Las Palmas housed Senegalese minors, while larger hotels in the south of the island collaborated with established organizations like the Red Cross to shelter migrants right after their arrival. Often with support from volunteers, these businesses shifted their models to provide support to migrants, driven initially by financial necessity as well as emotions of grief and sadness, resulting in the “need to help” (Malkki 2015). Similarly, other businesses and organizations repurposed their resources to assist migrants. For instance, two organizations promoting sustainable tourism started to organize events for migrants (instead of tourists), such as gardening activities at a finca. These adaptations illustrate the dynamic nature of the humanitarian borderscape and show how humanitarian responses are embedded in broader socio-political and economic contexts (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr 2007).

The humanitarian “crisis” on the Canary Islands highlighted the complex interplay between politics, the im/mobility of migrants, humanitarian responses, and emotions, where the boundaries are constantly negotiated and redefined. Following a court ruling in April 2021, which mandated the Spanish government to allow migrant transfers to mainland Spain, the mobility of migrants became more organized and coordinated (Zapata-Hernández 2021, 11). This decision alleviated some of the pressure on local reception facilities but also underscores the role of political decisions in shaping the humanitarian response.

Migrants Im/mobility on Gran Canaria

After the „emergencia,“ when the situation stabilized, migrants’ mobility was well-structured and often restricted: Upon arrival, migrants underwent Covid-19 testing and were placed in quarantine hotels for two weeks. Afterward, they were relocated according to a strict categorization: men were typically sent to larger, often overcrowded facilities in remote rural areas, while minors, women, and children were transferred to smaller, more dispersed centers, primarily located in Las Palmas (Vargas 2022). Each boat was investigated by Spanish authorities for potential smuggling activities, a process that can delay migrants’ onward movement for several months. Additionally, families were required to undergo DNA testing to verify biological relationships, adding another layer of complexity and unpredictability to their journey.

These political decisions shaped the im/mobility of migrants, confining them within a bureaucratic system that reflected state control[8]. During the initial reception phase and the first few weeks after migrants’ arrival, volunteers were less involved in the state-organized humanitarian responses. While, as described earlier, volunteers tried to meet urgent needs during the “emergencia” – providing essential services like food, water, and temporary shelter – filling gaps left by the state, their activities evolved to focus on long-term support. Volunteers now continue to fill gaps, such as providing food for homeless migrants, while also adapting their efforts to include services like language classes, legal assistance, and organizing activities that go beyond basic needs. Critical border studies, particularly the concept of borderscapes, emphasize the importance of understanding borders as relational and perspectival spaces (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr 2007, x; Brambilla 2015). This perspective allows us to see how humanitarian volunteering efforts are intertwined with border enforcement practices, creating a landscape where humanitarianism and control coexist. On Gran Canaria, this became evident in the ways volunteers navigate spaces of inclusion and exclusion, providing support while also operating within a system that restricts migrants’ freedom of movement and reinforces socio-political hierarchies.

Scholars have criticized humanitarianism’s dissociation from politics, noting that framing migration solely as a humanitarian issue limits the responses available (Scott-Smith 2016, 3). This detachment is evident in the reluctance of many volunteers to engage with the political roots of the crisis, focusing instead on immediate relief efforts. In interviews and informal conversations, discussions around racism or politics were often avoided, and I rarely saw volunteers taking part in the few demonstrations that occurred on the island. However, it is important to understand that the “emergencia” was not merely a result of increased migrant arrivals but was significantly influenced by political decisions, such as the Spanish government’s restriction on mainland transfers. Understanding migration as a socio-political issue, influenced by neo-colonial exploitation and environmental changes, is crucial for creating effective long-term solutions[9]. Here, I argue that emotions of grief and sadness often permit this confrontation with the socio-political circumstances.

The Role of Emotions

The “emergencia“ acted as a critical juncture, heightening emotions and galvanizing citizens into action, which aligns with Monika Verbalyte et al.’s (2022) assertion that crises serve as periods where emotions are amplified, influencing public actions and reactions. Borrowing from the field of political psychology, I understand emotions as “part of the social experiences, interactions or communicative patterns embedded in political interests, contexts, and discourse rules” which “become inseparable from related historical legacies and emotion norms” (Verbalyte et al. 2022, 2). Emotions, intricately intertwined with political interests and historical legacies, played a significant role in shaping the responses of volunteers and had the effect of de-politicizing migration. Volunteers often refrained from engaging with the political dimensions. By framing their efforts as purely humanitarian and thus focusing on immediate relief, humanitarian volunteers tended to overlook the broader socio-political context, which limited the potential for addressing the root causes of migrants’ suffering. By focusing on the suffering of migrants and responding with humanitarian aid, European societies can avoid confronting their own complicity in the systemic injustices that drive migration, thus maintaining a sense of moral superiority and innocence (Danewid 2017).

As I will illustrate towards the end of the next section, critical whiteness studies and Black feminist thought illuminate how emotions intersect with power dynamics and social structures, highlighting how emotional responses are shaped by intersecting systems of oppression (Cooper 2018; hooks 1996; Lorde 1981; Willer-Kherbaoui 2019). Historically, critical whiteness studies have emerged out of the survival strategies developed by enslaved Black people who needed to understand the behavior of their white masters (hooks 1997). This historical consciousness is also deeply intertwined with Black feminist thought, which not only informs an understanding of racial hierarchies but also resists the Eurocentric frameworks that often dominate academic discourse, including the humanitarian borderscape. This connection between Black feminist thought and critical whiteness studies is crucial to my analysis, as both fields offer vital tools to examine the emotional dynamics of volunteers and their role in reinforcing or disrupting systemic inequalities.

End of part 1.

Notes

[1] I constantly use the term “migrant” and not “refugee” because I want to avoid “categorical fetishism” which fails to capture the complexity of drivers for migration.

[2] As will be shown in this article, the concept of im/mobility refers to the tension between movement and restriction, highlighting how migrants’ journeys are shaped by both movement (mobility) and imposed limitations (immobility). It further underscores the way political and humanitarian structures both enable and constrain migrants’ ability to move freely.

[3] Because for a lot of people the term Black – other than white – reflects a shared sense of cultural identity which stems out of colonial history and structural discrimination, I am capitalizing Black (and not white).

[4] However, I do acknowledge that my research retains a Eurocentric orientation in both its epistemological and methodological approaches..

[5] I refrained from interviewing migrant women or homeless Moroccans in such a vulnerable situation as the one they were in.

[6] As I am re-editing this article, the number of people arriving at the Canary Islands via the Atlantic route has been fluctuating in recent years. While it first went down from 2021 until 2022, in 2023 numbers reached a peak with almost 40,000 people arriving. Between January and June 2024, a total of 19,257 migrants arrived at the Canary Islands by boat from the West African coast. This represents a 167 percent increase compared to the 7,213 migrants who arrived during the same period in 2023 (IOM 2024). In 2025, however, there was a decrease in arrivals compared to 2024 (UNHCR 2025).

[7] All names are changed.

[8] Notable research has examined the humanitarian borderscape through the lens of Foucauldian concepts of governmentality and biopolitics (see Dijstelbloem & van der Veer 2021; Pallister-Wilkins 2017, 2021; Walters 2011).

[9] Neo-colonial dynamics play a major role in fueling migration to the Canary Islands as most migrants arriving have previously worked in agriculture or fishing (Black 2021, 12). Migration from maritime regions can for example be explained by the exploitation of local fish resources by Chinese and French vessels, driven by higher demand in Europe (Nyamnjoh 2010; Standing 2017). This exploitation, coupled with environmental changes, exacerbates the already fragile economic situation in these countries. Further, the extraction of raw materials and exposure of national markets to global forces negatively impacts the economies (see Manji 2019).

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